The 5th International Çanakkale Biennial

Kalliopi
Lemos, Güvenli Geçiş İçin Vaatler (2012) ©CABININ.

The
5th International Çanakkale Biennial (24th September – 6th of November 2016)
entitled: “Homeland” (Vatan, Heimat, الوطن, الأم, Patria) with the
distinguished participation of artists, art and culture institutions, art
critics and curators, will focus on the homeland/heimat imaginations bound to
20th century nationalism and its tragic and problematic consequences being
witnessed as constant global emigrations, refugees and exiles.
The
source of inspiration for the 5th International Çanakkale Biennial is the
philosopher, writer and journalist Villém Flusser, a refugee of WWII. His words
about the concept of homeland/heimat, which were the motivation for the concept
of the 5th International Çanakkale Biennial, penetrate into the innermost core
of the migrant and refugee tragedy that confronts humankind in the 21st
century: “Homeland is not an eternal value but rather a function of a specific
technology; still, whoever loses it suffers. This is because we are attached to
heimat by many bonds, most of which are hidden and not accessible to
consciousness. Whenever these attachments tear or are torn asunder the
individual experiences this painfully, almost as a surgical invasion of his
most intimate person.”1
What
does homeland mean today in active politics? Many political parties with
rightist national ideologies name themselves “Homeland Party” which implicates
a dedication and commitment to homeland, places it in sacredness and exempts it
of any criticism. The concept is commonly used as a unique, unchangeable
identity and source, and supposed to have mostly positive connotations. Home
sounds like a harmless concept when used by right-wing extremists to convince
the people that they have a moderate discourse. However, a Foucauldian
interpretation claims the opposite: “The home supports the operations of modern
regimes of power, bio-power, procedures and technologies of self, regulating
and determining the habits of the body. Thus habituating the connections between
the body and the nation, they function as regulatory controls: a bio-politics
that results in excommunication from the home and homeland. Home and Homeland
are interlinked; the home is intimately tied to what Foucault calls the games
of truth, relations of power and forms of relations to oneself and to others.“2

Bikem
Ekberzade, Crossings, The Refugee Project, 2015-2016.

The
ongoing common judgement is that the individual cannot choose his/her
homeland/heimat but is born to it and it is his/her fate. The ones who are not
born in that homeland are foreigners, who cannot be accepted or forgiven when
they claim any kind of affiliation. Evidently, this kind of socio-political
formula is an explicit clash with neo-capitalist cosmopolitanism as well as
with globalism, which, through rights of world citizenship as well as financial
profits through human migration, allows and provokes people to live where they
want. The rights to live in a chosen country or the wish to live rootlessly and
the forced immigration or the refugee problem are two sides of these socio-political
and economic arguments.
In
both cases, immigration is elaborated by right wing politics as challenging and
precarious to the concept of homeland/heimat since the right to live rootlessly
as a world citizen or forced immigration opens up a flexibility, elimination
and dispersal in the concept of homeland /heimat. For right wing politics, this
concept combines the basic assumptions of all radical and nationalist
ideologies, according to which the individual is not free as a central, active
subject, but submits to a supposedly closed, homogeneous community.
What
is happening now on the shores and borders of Europe is almost prophesied in
Foucault’s Madness and Civilisation: “Confined on the ship, from which there is
no escape, the madman is delivered to the river with its thousand arms, the sea
with its thousand roads, to that great uncertainty external to everything. He
is a prisoner in the midst of what is the freest, the openest of routes: bound
fast at the infinite crossroads. He is the Passenger par excellence: that is,
the prisoner of the passage. And the land he will come to is unknown—as is,
once he disembarks, the land from which he comes. He has his truth and his
homeland only in that fruitless expanse between two countries that cannot
belong to him.”3

Ali Miharbi, Labirent, 2013.
Based
on this quotation, in his essay William Walters4 discusses migration,
deportation and viapolitics following in Foucault’s footsteps. In this poetic
paragraph, Foucault mentions the Narrenschiff (the ship of fools, the ship full
of mad men drifting into the harbours of European cities, their removal ordered
by the authorities). Walters explains: “What was the meaning of this practice
of using ships to ferry away the mad men? Foucault insists it was more than a
‘general means of extradiction’; it was a highly symbolic act that had
everything to do with the way madness was coming to haunt the imagination of
the Renaissance.” With the term viapolitics he indicates “a migration
policy-scape that is increasingly preoccupied with the routes and journeys
taken by migrants crossing militarized and surveilled borders. Whole
territories are now labelled ‘transit countries’, and their governments are
pressured to crack down on migrant routes”. This hard-hearted determination,
defined here as viapolitics, confronts the poetic expression of Foucault and
the current tragedy of the refugees, precisely delineating the cold-blooded
system, logistics, method, techniques and processes of the current condemnation
to homelessness.
Now,
witnessing the images of drifting and sinking boats in the Aegean and
Mediterranean seas, we have to ask the question: What is the reason for today’s
immigration, deportation and that viapolitics?
Today
it is difficult to live in a very complex and enigmatic region such as the
Middle East, a region of ancient civilisations that made the World we live in.
Throughout the centuries it was a realm of utmost creativity, thought and
wisdom, while from the 19th century on it became a region transformed under
imperialism and other radical ideologies, bearing all the welfare, but also the
vices and burdens of 20th century politics and economy. Words can neither
describe the magnificence of its nature and monuments nor define the disasters,
interrupted lives and war as it exists in this region.3
The
majority of people living in the region were born into a modernized yet
traditional society as programmed by colonisation and had to face one of the
most ambitious utopias of 20th century, with the paradox, however, that their
region was called “the Third World” or “the periphery” from that moment on,
while the winds of liberalism, socialism, communism, militarism,
internationalism, nationalism, fundamentalism, McDonaldism, multiculturalism
swept over it. They ended up living in a post-peripheral globalism, dystopic
and heterotopic. It was a century of constructing and deconstructing, making
and remaking. This story, full of paradoxes, hopes, disappointments, fits with
the stories of many individuals in this region. Now, our hearts cry with tears
of blood for the millions of people who have had to leave their homelands and
are now suffering such a great loss.
Many
artists and art experts of various creative disciplines throughout the 20th
century and in the 15 years of 21st century have lived or are living within
this geopolitical, social context. Since post-modernism and within the
prospects of globalization, they have tried to deconstruct the complex
mechanism of peripheral modernism and reconstruct an art system based on free
and independent creativity, on interactive exchange of thoughts and concepts
and on collaborative projects with international fellow critics and curators.
Fortunately, this process was supported by current discourses with their
positive impact on the art theory of the late 80s and 90s.
From
the mid 80s on, the outcome of the efforts of artists and people involved in
art became relatively visible and sustainable in Istanbul, Bagdad, Damascus,
Beirut, Amman, Baku, Tbilisi, Yerevan, cities which embody the end of century
phenomenon such as dystopia/heterotopia and neo-topia, all to be an extremely
fertile field for artistic creativity.
From
mid-90s on, the interest of world-wide intellectuals, artists and art investors
shifted to these cities, representing cosmopolitan environments rather than
local national characterisitics. The question was how to use this opportunity
to reconstruct interactive, interdisciplinary art events and art appreciations
which can transcend the -isms of the 20th century and open a horizon to
democracy. In fact, history was repeating itself. At the beginning of 19th
century, Western Modernism took its inspirations from remote Africa, Asia, Asia
Minor and the Middle East. Early modern painting and sculpture, as well as
middle and late modernism, have been pregnant with formal and theoretical
influences from the Non-West. It has happened again. There were two ways of
nourishing Eurocentric ambitions: The intellectuals and artists and other
creative individuals emigrated to Euro-centres and to the USA, or art experts
of the West infiltrated the art scenes of the Non-West, selecting ideas, trends
and models.
This
might be a raw and negative description of what is happening for three decades
under the aegis of global exchange. To our delight, it has another face. Because
of the nature of globalization the people are inevitably connected and because
of the ethics of globalization there is a kind of cultural correctness on the
level of intellectual production.
On
the other hand, globalization also created the consciousness of civil society,
together with its infrastructure in the form of NGOs and civil initiatives
acting as a membrane as well as a transmitter between the political and
economic powers and society and individuals. Civil associations have made a
difference in the art world since the beginning of 90s; they have prepared the
networks for the individuals working in different fields of art and culture.4
In
order to resist a new colonisation of any sorts, the artists and art experts
had to learn to utilize this tool for their benefits. However, pro-western
policies with weak economies are effectively re-colonized. There is still a
tension between the old infrastructures (polarized world structures) and the
new. There is also a tension between old nationalism, new nationalism and
transnationalism. Cultural and artistic exchange plays on this territory of
multi-tensions. It is also paradoxical that the people have to keep one part of
the memory alive – for the immigrant and the refugee it is the homeland/heimat –
because there is no culture without memory, as Umberto Eco defined it in his
video interview: “Shared memories mean common identity. We cannot think of
ourselves as Europeans if we are not able to restore an European identity.
Parallel to individual memory is the library, the vegetal memory. If somebody
loses his memory he becomes a plant. Hell has no meaning without memory.”5
At
the same time, people should persuasively question the part played by memory,
which can poison their current and future plans. It is a very fragile path. At
this point – dealing with memory, the homeland/heimat – we have to rely on the
artists, who have been dealing with it according to a post-modernist process.
For two decades we can observe in the works of artists all kinds of detailed
research into their origins and collective memory, deciphering political,
economic, social, cultural complexities related to ideological interventions,
focusing on the very core of the relation between everyday life and art.
In
Raoul Vaneigem’s words: “The history of our times calls to mind those Walt
Disney characters who rush madly over the edge of a cliff without seeing it, so
that the power of their imagination keeps them suspended in mid-air; but as
soon as they look down and see where they are, they fall. Contemporary thought,
like Bosustov’s heroes, can no longer rest on its own delusions. What used to
hold it up, today brings it down. It rushes full tilt in front of the reality
that will crush it: the reality that is lived every day. Is this dawning
lucidity essentially new? I don’t think so. Everyday life always produces the
demand for a brighter light, if only because of the need which everyone feels
to walk in step with the march of history. But there are more truths in
twenty-four hours of a man’s life than in all the philosophies.”6
Despite
all the generalization, standardization and totalitarianism in the world, this
twenty-four hours makes all the difference within the supremacy of the
corporate economy and global politics. The blood-stained history of the last
decades is the production of the political intervention into the
homeland/heimat bound everyday activity of the people.
Artists
are evidently aware of the significance of it, approaching these twenty-four hours
in detail, itemising and particularising the facts with his/her inevitable
sophistication and insouciance. The magnitude of this task can be seen in the
images of desperation, emergency, clamour and transgression. The viewer
generously, but cunningly gives the artist the right to intervene into the
minute detail of the common life and the authority to cry out his/her message
to the world from a homeland. The viewer makes the artist an accomplice.
However,
in non-democratic or semi-democratic countries, contemporary art works are
either considered a vital criticism of the status quo and state policy or not
evaluated as metaphorical tools to empower democracies. One of the main reasons
for this misrecognition is the lack of fundamental infrastructure of contemporary
art to enable its influence on the visual thinking of 5 society. The other
reason is that society is not ready to change its mind and behaviour by
utilizing the post-modernist patterns, models and concepts.
And
now we are exposed to realize the suffering, misery and death created by the
forced or voluntary immigration through the oppressive and destructive
political decisions in the world order that defines itself as globalization in
the sense that it promises equality, human rights and the benefits of advanced
science and technology. It is explained as the outcome of the neo-capitalist
system even by the supporters of the system without any suggestion of a
possible restoration. Even recognized by the supporters of the present system
there are no immediate attempts to rectify it and they even refuse to draw the
necessary conclusions.
The
5th International Çanakkale Biennial will be a perfect opportunity for us to
face and challenge the global human movement with the universal language of
contemporary art and thus have a civil commitment and positioning towards the
ongoing tragedy. The Biennial will try to raise questions about the
sustainability of ideas of national and ethnic identity in a world whose
borders are becoming increasingly accidental and penetrable. It will try to
open discussions on the traditional and post-modern societies which are now in
flux, opposed by the global sweeping of networks and an excess of visual
culture initiatives, despite their persistent traditional or modernist socio-political
and economic infrastructures and epistemologies.
In
inviting the artists, curators and institutions to observe, examine and
interpret these themes, thesis and discourses, the Çanakkale Biennial may
present a discourse which will advocate that even if the migrants/refugees are
exposed to be changed by the society they migrated to, human history has
revealed that they have challenged and transfused the host society with a new
creativity and vision.
Beral
Madra, January 2016
1.Vilém
Flusser, The Freedom of the Migrant: Objections to Nationalism, University of
Illinois Press.
2.Eric
Harper and Charity Njoki Mwaniki, ‘Foucault: On Home and Homelessness’,
http://www.academia.edu/10313350/Foucault_
Home_and_Homeless_presentation_at_the_Critical_Space_Conference_London_.
Accessed January 2016.
3.Michel
Foucault, Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason,
1988, p. 11
4.William
Walters, ‘On the Road with Michel Foucault: Migration, Deportation and
Viapolitics’, http://www.academia.edu/
7344475/On_the_Road_with_Michel_Foucault_Deportation_Aviation_and_Viapolitics.
Accessed January 2016.
5.Umberto
Eco, ‘Sulla memoria. Una conversazione in tre parti, 15’. Capitolo 1. 6’ 5 ’’.
Directed by Davide Ferrario. http://www.codiceitalia2015.com/en/exhibition/on-memory.
Accessed January 2016.
6.Raoul
Vaneigem, ‘The Revolution of Everyday Life’,
http://72.52.202.216/~fenderse/EVERYDAY.htm. Accessed January 2016.
The curatorial team of the 5th
International Canakkale Biennial:
Beral Madra, Seyhan Boztepe, Deniz
Erbaş
FURTHER INFO
Twitter:
@canakkalebienal

Facebook:
CanakkaleBienali


Ali Miharbi, Labirent, 2013.
5.
ULUSLARARASI ÇANAKKALE BİENALİ “ANAVATAN” BAŞLIĞIYLA 24 Eylül – 6 Kasım 2016 TARİHLERİ
ARASINDA
Bu
sene 24 Eylül – 6 Kasım tarihleri arasında gerçekleştirecek 5. Uluslararası
Çanakkale Bienali’ne dahil olacak sanatçılar, İstanbul’da düzenlenen basın
toplantısında, küratöryel ekip ve Çanakkale Belediye Başkanı Ülgür Gökhan’ın
katılımıyla duyuruldu.
Adrian
Paci (Arnavutluk-İtalya), Ahmet Elhan (Türkiye), Aissa Deebi
(Filistin-İsviçre), Akam Shex Hadi (Irak), Alfredo Jaar (Şili-ABD), Ali Miharbi
(Türkiye), Angela Melitopoulos (Yunanistan-Almanya), Anur Hadžıomerspahıć
(Bosna-Hersek), Bikem Ekberzade (Türkiye), Birgit Johnsen – Hanne Nielsen
(Danimarka), Boris Mikhailov (Ukrayna-Almanya), Bouchra Khalili (Tunus-Fransa),
Canan Beykal (Türkiye), Cem Demir (Türkiye), Cengiz Aktar (Türkiye), Çınar
Eslek (Türkiye), David Larsson (İsveç), Eleni Mylonas (Yunanistan), Esin Turan
(Türkiye-Avusturya), Ezgi Kılınçaslan (Türkiye-Almanya), Ghazel (Fransa-İran),
Haider Jabbar (Irak), Halil Altındere (Türkiye), Josephine Turalba
(Filipinler), JR (Fransa-ABD), Kalliopi Lemos (Yunanistan-İngiltere), Maher
Abdel Aziz (Suriye-İsveç), Mehmet Erim (Türkiye), Nevin Aladağ
(Türkiye-Almanya), Norayr Kasper (Kanada-Türkiye), Peter Aerschmann (İsviçre),
Pravdoliub Ivanov (Bulgaristan), Reysi Kamhi (Türkiye), Roza El Hassan
(Suriye-Macaristan), Sabine Küper-Büsch & Thomas Büsch (Almanya-Türkiye),
Sermin Sherif (Türkiye-İngiltere), Tuğba Elmacı (Türkiye), Vahit Tuna (Türkiye).
Yerelde
örgütlenen sivil bir inisiyatif olan CABININ tarafından hayata geçirilen
Uluslararası Çanakkale Bienali, dünya gerçekliğinin ve gündeminin, Çanakkale
kentinin özgün bağlamıyla kesişim alanlarına yoğunlaşan bir perspektifle
yapılandırılıyor. 24 Eylül – 6 Kasım 2016’da gerçekleştirilecek 5. Çanakkale
Bienali, “göç” olgusunu “Anavatan” kavramı üzerinden çağdaş sanat bağlamında
ele almayı; bu gündem etrafında yerel ve küresel ortamlarda sürmekte olan
düşünsel ve yaratıcı süreçlere katkı sunmayı amaçlıyor.
5.
Uluslararası Çanakkale Bienali, ilhamını Çekoslovakya asıllı felsefeci, yazar
ve gazeteci Vilem Flusser’in (1920-1991) göçmenlik ve mültecilik üzerine
düşüncelerinden alıyor. 5. Uluslararası Çanakkale Bienali, “Anavatan ebedi bir
değer değil, daha çok özgül bir teknolojinin işlevidir; yine de onu yitiren acı
çeker. Çünkü o anavatana, çoğu gizli olan ve bilinç düzeyine çıkamayan birçok
bağ ile bağlıyızdır. Bu bağlar koptuğunda ya da koparıldığında, birey bunu
büyük bir acıyla, adeta en derindeki varlığının cerrahi bir müdahaleye uğraması
gibi deneyimler” diyen ve kendisi de bir 2. Dünya Savaşı mültecisi olan
Çekoslovakya asıllı felsefeci, yazar ve gazeteci Vilem Flusser’in (1920-1991)
göçmenlik ve mültecilik üzerine düşüncelerinden ilham alıyor.
5V2A2702Modernist
paradigmanın “anavatan” tahayyülünün günümüzdeki etkilerinin, Post-modern
yersiz-yurtsuzlaşma olgusu, güncel siyasal-ekonomik sorunların yarattığı
küresel göçler, mültecilik ve sürgünler ile bizzat zorlanan ulus-devlet
sınırları gibi çeşitli yönleriyle ele alınacağı bienalin 5. edisyonunda,
Türkiye, Orta Doğu ve Avrupa’dan çağdaş sanatın yanı sıra foto muhabirlik,
belgesel, sinema, tasarım, basın gibi farklı disiplinlere yayılan 40 sanatçının
milliyet, kimlik ve ötekileşme gibi temaları irdeleyen; günümüzde yaşanan göç
krizinin farklı yönlerini odağına alan yapıtlarına yer veriliyor. Başta ana
bienal sergi mekanı olarak Eski Sahil Sıhhiye (Piri Reis Müzesi) olmak üzere,
MAHAL Sanat ve Palamut Depoları Bölgesi, Eski Ermeni Kilisesi, Mekor Hayim
Sinagogu, Korfmann Kütüphanesi, Çanakkale Arkeoloji Müzesi, Çanakkale Seramik
Müzesi (Eski Er Hamamı), Ece Ayhan Evi, ÇTSO Çanakkale Evi, Çanakkale DGSG gibi
kentin önde gelen mekanlarının kullanılması öngörülüyor.
Küratoryel
ekipte, Beral Madra, Seyhan Boztepe ve Deniz Erbaş’ın yer aldığı, Çanakkale
Belediyesi’nin Ana destekçi olduğu Uluslararası Çanakkale Bienali, CABININ
(Çanakkale Bienali İnisiyatifi) Sivil Toplum Girişimi’nin etkinliğidir. İsveç,
İsviçre, ABD, Almanya, Macaristan gibi yabancı ülke temsilciliklerinin yanı
sıra birçok yerel, ulusal ve uluslararası sivil toplum, kamu ve özel sektör
kuruluşu ile Ellis Adası Müzesi, Ruya Foundation, Anadolu Kültür, Galeri
Polaris, Galeri Suzanne Tarasieve, Pilot Galeri, Kuad Galeri gibi sanat
kurumların katkı ve işbirlikleriyle hayata geçirilmektedir.
Bienal Ekibi:
Genel Sanat Yönetmeni: Beral Madra
Genel Direktör: Seyhan Boztepe
CABININ Yönetici Küratörü: Deniz Erbaş
Sergileme Direktörü: Kubilay Özmen
Organizasyon Ekibi: İsmail Erten,
Özen Algönül Erkek, Cem Katı, Didem Gürdoğan, Aynur Ganiler, Mert Karaçıkay,
Çağla İlk, Ilgın Aydınoğlu, Erdal Sezer, Irene Panzani, Ender Açıkalın,
Yıldırım Şahiner, Onur Tekin…
Tasarım: Serdar Negir
DETAYLI BİLGİ
Bienal
hakkında gelişmeleri takip etmek için Twitter’da @canakkalebienal ve
facebook’ta CanakkaleBienali hesaplarını takip edebilirsiniz.
 
Ümmühan Kazanç

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